At the completion of the space purchase process, we want to celebrate that self-management, direct action, solidarity, and mutual support have worked once again.
Speculation and the market will NOT drive us out of the neighborhood. We will remain here, where we began in 1987, as a space for struggle and resistance.
Coinciding with El Lokal’s 37th anniversary, and thanks to the support of Sala Paral·lel62 and the participating artists, we were all able to feel the collective joy of gathering for a huge party marking the end of the campaign.
On April 6, 2024, at an extraordinary meeting of members and friends of El Lokal, we made the decision to purchase the space after the owner announced that the lease would not be renewed in January.
“Italy: Absolution of the anarchists accused in the trial for the publication of ‘Bezmotivny’ magazine. An 8 month sentence for offense to the honour or prestige of the president of the republic”
Two year persecution to stop us reading resistance news / SOLIDARITY WITH GAIA, GINO, LUIGI, PAOLO AND ALL THE COMRADES INVESTIGATED
On April 8th, 2025, the sentence was finally pronounced in the trial in Massa against four anarchist comrades indicted for the publication of the internationalist anarchist fortnightly ‘Bezmotivny’ (repressive operation on August 8th, 2023).
The defendants – who were involved in the operation together with six other comrades for whom the proceedings remained at the investigation stage – were charged with incitement to commit crimes and apologia of crimes and offences of terrorism for the publication of the about sixty issues of ‘Bezmotivny’, and of offence to the honour or prestige of the president of the republic (art. 278, penal code), concerning a specific article (‘Soffiare sul fuoco’, published in ‘Bezmotivny’, year I, issue 17, October 25th, 2021).
All the defendants were acquitted of the charge of multiple aggravated incitement to commit crimes ‘because the fact does not exist’, whereas Luigi was sentenced to eight months, without the application of recidivism, for offending the honour or prestige of the president of the republic (the other three defendants were acquitted of this charge ‘for not having committed the fact’).
The request for compensation by the State attorney’s office was also denied.
At the end of the indictment held at the previous hearing on April 1st, public prosecutor Manotti of the DDAA (‘Anti-Mafia and Anti-Terrorism District Directorate’) of Genoa had requested 7 years’ imprisonment for Gino, 6 years for Luigi (with the revocation of the suspended sentence for a previous conviction imposed on him by the court of Ravenna) and 5 years and 6 months each for Gaia and Paolo, while the State attorney for the presidency of the council of ministers had requested compensation of half a million euro.
Operation ”Scripta Scelera” against the fortnightly “Bezmotivny”: first initiatives in solidarity, a brief update, some observations… * from initial report in August 2023
In the early morning of Tuesday, August 8th 2023, a repressive operation – ridiculously named Scripta Scelera (these fine people always come up with some “ambitious” or suggestive name for their operations) [Latin: “written crimes”] – was unleashed by the State’s repressive apparatus in various Italian cities.
It was aimed at shutting down the anarchist internationalist fortnightly magazine “Bezmotivny”, thereby striking the action of publication of analysis and reflection as well as, and in particular, texts claiming actions, sabotage and initiatives of attack undertaken by anarchists and revolutionaries throughout the world against the State and capital.
Let’s take a brief look at the facts.
Mainly involving anarchist comrades in Carrara and the “Gogliardo Fiaschi” Anarchist Cultural Circle, the operation consisted of notification of an investigation against 10 comrades, all of whom were subjected to house searches (as well as that against the above-mentioned anarchist circle), and significant seizures of newspapers and various publications.
Concerning the 10 under (for whom Genovese public prosecutor Manotti twice requested their arrest in prison), the judge for the preliminary investigations ordered house arrest with all restrictions (including electronic ankle bracelets, which were not applied due to lack of the necessary equipment) for four of the comrades, a night curfew from 19.00 to 7am for another five, while one comrade had no restrictions (at the police station they notified him of a two years’ compulsory expulsion order from the province of La Spezia).
One of the comrades under house arrest was initially taken to prison on order of the same prosecutor, due to the fact that he did not have a certificate of residence.
In the context of the operation, a printing press in Avenza, where the paper had recently been printed, was also shut down (and later re-opened)….. * from initial report in August 2023
Related Posts
Italy: Operation ”Scripta Scelera” against the fortnightly “Bezmotivny”: first initiatives in solidarity, a brief update, some observations Act for freedom now!pdf italian :
Read London Anarchist Federation’s 12-page paper Rebel City online. The latest issue No. 19 is hot off the press and back issues are all free to download. Print copies are also available from London AF or can be found in local radical bookshops and social centres..
The Anarchist Federation was founded as the Anarchist Communist Federation in March of 1986. We describe ourselves as anarchist communists and revolutionary class struggle anarchists, and operate as a membership organisation. … About the AF .. contact us
The AF is a member of the International of Anarchist Federations (IAF-IFA) where we meet and organise with its other member federations. We also engage in other international correspondence and solidarity efforts.
DIRECTORY
Get involved! Here is a selection of campaigns and groups that are helping to make London the Rebel City
“The integration of revolutionary political forces into the Western-backed state in Syria, and the dismantling of revolutionary military forces in Qandil and Bakur is totally irreconcilable and antagonistic to the furtherance of the internationalist movement.
When we – anarchist and communist revolutionaries – embark on the path of struggle we expect to exist, grow and die in a life of contradiction and tension, but we also intend for the path we are on to steadily maintain the positions that we’ve historically defined as unequivocal.
In essence, some things are negotiable, some deviations are forgivable, and some can be treacherous. The recent positions and actions by the PKK, in several of its components, are not only inconsistent with revolutionary struggle, but have deviated so far from the established principles of proletarian and internationalist struggle that the project has now veered into an essentially revisionist, collaborationist posture.
This is particularly alarming as the internationalist movement exceedingly needs heightened, resolute and honorable positions as the challenges facing us are grave and growing.
We are writing from an anarchist communist position that is far from monolithic in our locale, or in general, but we have also been at the forefront of solidarity efforts with the PKK since the formation of the International Freedom Battalion, the HBDH, and the establishment of the anarchist guerrilla faction, the IRPGF.
We have been increasingly alarmed at ongoing developments and the most recent political realities need to be addressed. We are not writing this with any elation and are not laying out this statement from a dogmatic, idealist stance.
In actuality, we maintained principled silence on a whole host of revisionist deviations, and would have continued out of respect for the complex and dynamic position the combatants find themselves in at the forefront in the conflict zones in West Asia.
However, recent developments have pushed us to publicly critique the organization in spite of our admiration for their historical accomplishments.
In the earlier phases of the struggle in Rojava, the US and the YPG both stated their collaboration was “temporary, transactional and tactical”; in essence, not a strategic partnership but a brief association to combat ISIS. This stated position is now, approximately, 8 years old and has turned into unarguably a comprehensive strategic partnership.
The reality is even more stark in light of the larger situation in West Asia today. The Palestinian Revolution, ignited by the monumental October 7th operation, followed by remarkable acts of solidarity performed in northern occupied Palestine and the Red Sea, set a new stage in contemporary struggle against colonialism and imperialism, but is also an illustrative example of resistance for the entire internationalist movement.
The war against the Zionist settler regime, and in effect the US-led imperialist world system, is at an elevated state, and due to the genocidal nature of the imperialist forces, the planned ethnic cleansing of Palestinians, and the potential of success for the Resistance in Gaza, the liberation of Palestine must have a central role.
To be clear, this is not to contrast the Kurdish movement with the Palestinian movement, but to highlight a fundamental contradiction that has reached its peak.
The Zionist regime, being a settler appendage of US power projection, has embarked on a genocidal campaign, and the eradication of the Zionist state will put unprecedented pressure on American imperialism, particularly as the US is a wounded animal that has been in decline for some time due to its intensifying excesses.
In this context, the PKK partnership with the American regime is particularly inconceivable – as a crucial war for liberation against colonialism rages on in the region.
The opportunism in this collusion is evident but there are also three other crucial points that we feel must be addressed to clarify the true scope of the morass….
I’m X., with the French CNT AIT, I ‘d like to thank you dearly for taking some time to answer these questions.
First I hope you are safe. Rest assure you have all our support.
As you know, we’ve been relaying information about revolution and global situation in Sudan and about your anarchist group to the readers of our magazine « Anarchosyndicalisme! » (http://cntaittoulouse.lautre.net/spip.php?article1396). Following the articles published in the newspaper, many readers and also some groups expressed their solidarity with you. For example, the Ephémère library in Clermont Ferrand organized two debates, in the cities of Clermont and of Aubert, and a collective supporting migrants in the city of Calais organized a debate and a graffiti workshop in solidarity. We would be interested in knowing a little more from your personal experience, so we have prepared a list of questions, the first (1) comes from the CNT AIT, the second (2) from L’éphémère, and the third (3) from the Calais migrant support collective.
I hope you ‘ll find some time to answer.
REPLY: Hello companions!
Revolutionary greetings from the comrades in Sudan to the CNT-AIT and to the AIT, and to all those who support us in France and elsewhere. We thank you for your support and interest in the issues of Sudan, the revolution, the war, and our anarchist activity. We are also happy to convey our experience to you, share our daily struggle with you, and exchange opinions
QUESTION (1): First I’d like to ask you a few questions about your anarchist group in Sudan.
For how long has your group been organised? Did your group start during the last revolution or before?
Did you personally participate in the creation of this group or did you join?
Do you have an official name for your group?
REPLY: The formation of our group began in April 2017, before the December [2018] Revolution, and I personally participated in its formation. It was a small group of 5 individuals. The name of the group is the Anarchist Federation.
QUESTION (1): There seem to have been very few examples of anarchist organisations in African countries, could you tell us how you and other members of your movement became familiar with the anarchist ideas?
Was anarchism rooted in prior social movements and revolutions in Sudan? What were the other forms of socialist ideas in the previous social movements?
REPLY: Yes, anarchist movements in Africa are not widespread. As for Sudan, there was no anarchist organization or group before. Most of Sudan may be self-administered in a complex manner, but authoritarian ideas control it in the state, the tribe, and the military and religious system. This is what makes the anti-regime social movement complex. We gained our revolutionary awareness and knowledge of anarchism through our exposure and self-education about social movements in the world, and the injustice inflicted upon us contributed mainly to the adoption of anarchist ideas. The socialist ideas present in Sudan contribute directly or indirectly to supporting and consolidating power, such as Marxist communist ideas and the ideas of neoliberal armed movements [guerrillas others than RSP and official army, Note of typist], and their continuous search for positions in the state and even their demolition of the social movement.
QUESTION (1): Could you tell us about the social composition of your group, were you mostly students or were there workers to?
I understand women took a great part in the revolutionary movement, were there many women among your group?
Were you mostly city based or did people also come from the rural areas?
REPLY: Our group was initially composed of students, as students represent the tip of the spear in the social change movement and the December Revolution. After the formation of our groups and their spread in several universities in various states of Sudan, we were able to participate and form groups through comrades in their areas of residence in cities and rural areas, and to form groups outside the student community in various areas in Sudan Women are an essential part of the formation of our groups in universities and even in rural areas and cities. Women constitute more than 60 percent of the composition of our groups.
QUESTION (1): If that’s possible could you tell us about how many members you had in your groups, after the movement spreads in several universities and various parts of the country?
REPLY: The number of group members was estimated at more than 60 comrades at the beginning, but now the number has increased, but there is no accurate count due to the loss of contact with many comrades.
QUESTION (1): Could you tell us about activities you were able to carry as an anarchist group during the past years? How did people react to the diffusion of your ideas?
REPLY: One of the most important activities that we carried out in 2017 and 2018 was to call on young people and students to overthrow the regime, break the barrier of fear, and unite around overthrowing the dictatorial rule of Bashir. We held activities in universities and seminars against the regime and began organizing spontaneous processions that brought together all Sudanese. This cost us the loss of comrade (Abu Al-Rish), comrade (Qusay) and comrade (Mudawi). After the fall of the Omar Al-Bashir regime, we called for the continuation of the struggle to overthrow the military regime in Sudan, and the abdication of General Ibn Auf came quickly due to the terrible pressure of the people on power. Brutal repression was strong against us and we were subjected to arrest, flogging, abuse and death threats
But this did not make us give up our cause and our struggle against the authorities We called for a sit-in at the General Command, which represented a small self-administration community in which the greatness of anarchist ideas was evident. It was a living example of the self-administration of Sudan, as it included millions of Sudanese from all states. The dictatorial authority sensed the danger in this and carried out a massacre that dispersed the sit-in, to which the political force contributed greatly and facilitated this hideous massacre in which more than 700 unarmed civilian revolutionaries died and were drowned in the Nile. Many of the revolutionaries are still suffering from psychological problems due to the ugliness of the killing they saw. He was beaten and insulted horribly
This also did not break us, but rather made us more determined and convinced of the importance of the fall of this brutal, murderous regime So we began to form resistance committees in the neighbourhoods, gather the revolutionaries into organized groups, and unify the banner of struggle Brutality, killing, and violent suppression of processions were an inherent characteristic of every procession. We knew that we might pay a price for this with our lives, and we were also going out seeking a social revolution.
QUESTION (1): The resistance committees seemed to organise themselves in a very interesting -and quite close to anarchist-way, can you describe it for us? How did you and your group could participate in those committees?
REPLY: We participate continuously in resistance committees, which are groups of revolutionaries in the neighbourhoods and regions of Sudan.
Resistance committees make decisions collectively for each committee.
QUESTION (1): The general understanding I got of the last years social movement in Sudan, especially after the military coup d’etat in October 2021, is that people strongly rejected the authority army and militias, official political parties and unions, and elites both from Sudan and foreign countries, and wanted to build a society from bottom to top while developing on a daily basis a strong sense of social solidarity and self-organisation, which I found very encouraging and rooted in a perspective of struggle of class and direct democracy.
Nevertheless, the main political goal as described in the « charter for the power of people » is still the creation of a government and a state, even if democratic – which is without any doubt better than war and military or religious dictature – and so seemed a bit in contradiction with the achievements of day to day popular self-organisation as developed in the resistance committees, from my anarchosyndicalist point of view. Can you comment on that ?
REPLY: It is important to know that the liberation struggle involves a lot of persistent and patient work that is not achieved overnight. We see that what the awareness of the youth, revolutionaries and society in Sudan has reached is a turning point in the revolution What the Revolutionary Charter proposes to establish people’s authority is what the resistance committees agree upon, and they are not union bodies or professional bodies, but rather groups of revolutionaries who differ in their orientations to running the country or organizing. What we need now, and we are working on, is to preserve the unity of this force from the catastrophe of the civil war that is tearing apart the social fabric. Certainly, self-administration is the points that we can easily raise, and this is considered one of the gains of the revolution, but implementing it now in light of this catastrophic situation is very complicated.
QUESTION (1): War is going on for more than a year now, can you tell us how you managed to get through this last year, and were you and your group able to maintain some of your political activities during those hard times?
REPLY: The outbreak of war in Sudan directly affected our organization, as all the comrades in Khartoum, Madani, and El Fasher fled to different cities and outside Sudan, and the suspension of universities, damage to infrastructure, farmers, unions, and the Internet made it difficult to communicate and communicate with the comrades. We lost comrade Sarah and comrade Omar Habbash, and we lost an ambulance that we had allocated. In Zamzam camp for displaced people in El Fasher to transport patients. It has been a disastrous year, with terrorism everywhere, arbitrary arrests and liquidation by the army of revolutionaries and politicians, and killings on an ethnic basis on both sides.
QUESTION (1): Can you tell us about the situation today in Sudan?
REPLY : The situation in Sudan is catastrophic More than 25 million were displaced and education stopped for more than 15 million children More than 4,000 thousand civilians were killed, although the numbers are inaccurate Famine has begun in Sudan. There are no life-saving medicines, there is no work, and more than 70 percent of hospitals are not working in Sudan. The situation is horribly disastrous
QUESTION (1): I understand some of your comrades had to leave Sudan recently. Do you manage to keep in touch with them? Do you have some perspective of carrying on with your organization even in a distance?
REPLY: Yes, we are in contact with most of our comrades abroad. We have a plan to manage the organization remotely and manage its activities
QUESTION (2): To what extent is it possible to maintain anarchist positions under civil war?
REPLY: Maintaining the anarchist group in Sudan is possible, but it is not easy, and this is an additional burden now in light of the war and the displacement of most of the comrades outside Sudan.
QUESTION (2): During the insurrection in Egypt, anarchists had started a newspaper. Although they were all atheist, they didn’t criticize Islam in their writings, it was hardly possible. How is it in Sudan ?
REPLY: As for criticism of Islam in Sudan, it is very prevalent in revolutionary youth. The Revolution occurred against the Muslim Brotherhood regime and its extremist authoritarian reactionary ideas, it has been was a turning point in the youth’s awareness of religion itself.
QUESTION (3): Our collective in the city of Calais works with some exiles who have relatives in Sudan.
Concerning medicine distributions and activities for children, they’d like to know in which area, which town or even which neighbourhood do you conduct your humanitarian actions?
Does your anarchist group organise such actions or do you take part in other groups’ actions?
Do you take part as individuals or as an anarchist collective?
REPLY: At the beginning of the war, we distributed meals in shelter centres in Dongola, Atbara, and Khartoum in Karari locality. Regarding medicines, they are distributed according to the needs of the displaced people in shelter centres, in cooperation with the Al-Hawadith Street Initiative, medical supplies, and sometimes the Sudanese Red Crescent. Regarding infant formula and sanitary pads for women, we conducted inventory and distributed it to 8 centres in Al-Damer and Atbara, and 5 centres in Dongola, and now we are distributing in Al-Dabba locality, where it received thousands of displaced people fleeing from El-Fasher.
In our anarchist group, we have several comrades working in the health professions who were instrumental in providing health supplies. We distribute it through our group most of the time, and we also cooperate with anybody that contributes to solving the humanitarian crisis in Sudan, initiatives and sometimes organizations. At the beginning of the war in Sudan, I directed our group to volunteer in hospitals and emergency centres in the nearest locality to our comrades.
QUESTION (3): In the « Sudanese anarchist forum » some of the Sudanese exiles we help have seen that you shared in July 2022 a piece concerning the “Forces of Freedom and Change”.
Is the « Sudanese anarchist forum » the page of your group? How does it work: can anyone publish what he wants or do you moderate or sanction the articles that are released?
What do you think about the Forces of Freedom and Change?
In a more general way what do you think about the Rapid Support Forces and the army?
Is this possible to refuse to support one side or another, or are you forced to take side?
REPLY: As for our group, it does not have an official platform, as we avoid propaganda work in this critical political situation, and we do not have an online platform. The only way to contact us is via email
The “Forces of Freedom and Change” is a Sudanese political body that has its own conflicts and has no authority over the state. The war is now led by two army generals.
We do not support any party to the war; on the contrary we support its immediate cessation
We strongly condemn the massacres committed by the Rapid Support Forces and the army against innocent citizens, and we do not support any of them. What we want is an end to war and peace
QUESTION: Do you wish to tell us something more?
REPLY: Yes. We must be in constant communication. You are the only party that supports us and stands with us. You are saving the lives of revolutionaries and anarchists in Sudan. Do not stop spreading our cause and supporting our revolution. Tell revolutionaries and anarchists all over the world about us.
Long live peace, not wars!
[Interview realized via email, in June and July 2024]
When I was nineteen, I spent awhile squatting in the suburbs of Baltimore, in a town called Towson (now famous as the birthplace of Luigi). This isn’t where I’m from… I had met some crustpunks in philly and started traveling with them.
We wound up in Towson, living in abandoned buildings or crawl spaces or bushes. We organized against war and we dumpstered and we shoplifted and we got run off by the cops several times a day.
There’s this moment I remember clearly, despite the large quantity of malt liquor I’d likely consumed: I remember being in a basement in Baltimore itself, probably one of the Food Not Bombs houses, while punk bands played.
Everyone was wearing all black with white-ink patches on their clothes, sewn together with dental floss. Floor joists were perilously perched above our heads. We did ourselves some permanent hearing damage in that basement.
The punk band had two singers, both women. It was called 2AM Revolution. During the chorus, everyone sang along as the singer screamed about how if she saw a Nazi she would “break my fucking 40 on his motherfucking face!”
And just like that, in that basement screaming along, I understood punk.
Because the thing is, those of us in that basement meant what we said about revolution. Our venues were collective houses that doubled as mutual aid kitchens. The singers of the band marched alongside us at antiwar and alterglobalization protests.
When a bus load of Nazis passed through town, the local punks working with Anti-Racist Action partnered with local gangs to ambush the fascists, smashing out the bus windows, pepperspraying inside, and jumping every nazi as they emerged.
Then everyone disappeared back through the alleys into the Maryland night.
A car full of antifascists showed up late and were carted off to jail, and the punk scene raised the money for their criminal defense. We meant what we said in our lyrics.
Trump seeks autocratic technocratic World power- Led by far right bllionaires and mega Corporations -With the rest of us muzzled, pauperised or just culled-Unless forced he won’t be satisfied with ‘concessions’-like personal rights or saving our Biosphere.
He will just grab everything he can get.
Eight Simple Steps towards Revolution – An Occupy Manifesto-2012
Over the winter, the social momentum that picked up with the occupation of Zuccotti Park has predictably cooled. We can be sure that conflict will intensify again soon, whether with the coming of spring or later; if overseas examples are any indication, we should anticipate new waves of unrest, each sweeping in new sectors of the population. In hopes of helping to prepare for the next phase, we present an eight-point program distilled from the experiences of the last several months.
Once again, please forward this and print out copies to distribute in your community!
People in North America are already under a spell: the spell of private property, of the legitimacy of government, of hopelessness.
None of these are inherently real; they derive their reality from our collective belief and activity. You have to be hypnotized indeed to believe that property is more sacred than the needs of human beings—that the decisions of the government are more legitimate than your own judgment.
To break this spell, cast another. When a few people invest themselves entirely in another vision of reality, they open up space for others to invest in it as well. It doesn’t have to be realistic at first—it just has to spread until it creates the conditions of its possibility. The original call to occupy Wall Street was an example of such a spell. What could take us further?
Facebook and Twitter notwithstanding, we’re more isolated today than ever. There is a fundamental difference between merely circulating information and making connections that enable people to act together. In an era when social networks are effectively mapped and contained, it’s subversive to make these connections beyond your usual social milieu; some of your friends may not have much fight in them after all, while others with goals complementary to yours might be very different from you.
You can’t expect other people to leave their comfort zones unless you’re prepared to leave your own.
Together we can do anything.
Preparing a revolution isn’t a matter of a radical minority building up the skills and resources to change the world; when enough of us get together, we have access to the knowledge and resources of our whole society. It’s not our job to orchestrate every aspect of the struggle, nor could we; we just have to create conduits through which subversive practices and momentum can flow. Preparation could go on endlessly, as the world goes on changing—circulation is what counts.
Until there’s something new happening, something that interrupts the status quo, there’s no reason for anyone to pay attention. It’s not enough to try to start a dialogue in a vacuum; for people to take the dialogue seriously, there has to be something to talk about. Don’t just chant that another world is possible; manifest it, so everyone who might believe in it can. Don’t just talk about abolishing capitalism; pick a pressure point, have a go at it, and see who joins in.
Build the will.
Nowadays most of us don’t know our own strength. We’re not used to relying on our own capabilities; we assume we can always be defeated. Most of the strength of those who hold power is founded on this defeatism. But a little courage can be infectious, and once people get used to wielding power together they won’t quickly give it up.
The first compromise is the last one. Over and over, our occupations and movements are undermined one compromise at a time. Whenever we concede anything, we set a precedent that will be repeated again and again, emboldening those for whom it is more convenient for us to remain passive.
If police don’t arrest us when we stand up for ourselves, it isn’t because they support us, or because we’re within our legal rights—it’s because we’ve mobilized enough social power to make them back down. Timidity, placation, and obedience only detract from this leverage.
Address the 99%, not the 1%.
Demands oriented towards those in power direct the focus away from what we can do ourselves; joint action, on the other hand, empowers us and creates a space where we can weave our differences into collective strength.
To put this in the language of the Occupy movement, why address demands to the 1% at the top of the capitalist pyramid, who will never share our priorities? Why not instead address proposals to the rest of the 99%, whose combined power could render the authority of the 1% meaningless?
We’ve been taught by a thousand classes, newspapers, and job interviews to present everything in the language and logic of our superiors. We must finally learn to speak each other’s languages, to make proposals that are relevant to our own needs rather than “realistic” in the framework of our rulers.
This means dispensing with every conception of legitimacy we inherited from the prevailing order—not just the authority of the politicians and the courts, but also academic prestige and middle-class “common sense” and activist credentials—in favor of value systems that legitimize our voices and our resistance on our own terms.
Aim beyond the target.
Often, to accomplish small concrete objectives, we have to set our sights much higher.
Conversely, it sometimes happens that we accomplish what we set out to easily enough, but have no idea what to do with the new opportunities that open up next. Every time we act, let’s act in a way that points towards the world we want and equips us to go on moving towards it.
The most important thing is not whether we achieve our immediate goals, but how each engagement positions us for the next round.
The Free 