Argentina: Update on the Cruel and Inhumane Treatment of Anarchist Prisoner Anahi Salcedo
Anahi Salcedo has been held in Ezeiza Prison since January 10th. She is on remand accused of the symboilic explosive attack against the tomb of the infamous, genocidal torturer, Commissioner Ramón Falcón, Chief of the Argentine Federal Police that took place on November 14th, 2018 – 109 years since Falcón was executed by Anarchist comrade Simón Radowitzky.
On Tuesday 26 March 2019, the federal judge Julián Ercolini sent for trial the militants accused of placing these 2 small bombs. Hugo Alberto Rodríguez and Anahí Salcedo, accused of trying to blow up the marble mausoleum of Ramón Falcón, and Marco Nicolás Viola, 27, in a seperatye incident .
Also eight other defendants were sent for trial, almost all arrested after the bombings without any serious evidence (and still refused bail and detained due to police revenge mentality), in a police raid on the occupied center (Social Center Pavón) that Salcedo and Rodríguez frequented in Montserrat. (see more info below)
Anahi received serious injuries to her hand and face, allegedly following the premature detonation of a homemade explosive device at the tomb. At the time of her arrest, Anahi lost three fingers on one hand and suffered serious injuries to the rest of her body including a fracture of the clavicle on her other arm. She has two children aged 8 and 10, and lived with 2 sisters..
Anahi is a young companion from the Buenos Aires anarchists, known for sharing anarcha feminist posts criticizing patriarchy and “anarcho machos”. She shared the invitation to the anarchist film festival, appeals for abandoned animals and a series of talks and workshops on “self-defense and combat”, “natural gynecology” and “veganism and anarchism” etc.
She was transferred to the intensive care unit of the Fernández Hospital where she underwent several surgeries. In January, she was transferred to Ezeiza Prison, despite the prison’s lack of even the most basic conditions for her continued medical treatment and rehabilitation.
Accused of being a ‘terrorist’ after the symbolic bomb, Anahi is being subjected to harsh conditions in the prison. She is being denied a medical transfer despite having a medical order for one, she is receiving inadequate food and barely any medical assistance. Due to her injuries, Anahi is unable to even wash herself. She is also in excruciating pain but is being denied painkillers.
Anahi’s lawyers filed an appeal against her transfer from hospital to prison, it was rejected in the first instance but another appeal is under way.
Various groups in Argentina, including the Lawyer’s Union, are calling on comrades to take action in solidarity with Anahi and to pressure the prison authorities into transferring her to proper medical facilities. The Lawyer’s Union stated on their Facebook page that there should be ‘no limits’ to solidarity with Anahi.
International Anarchist Solidarity with Anahi Salcedo!
Whether Innocent or Guilty – No Comrade Left Alone in the Dungeons of the State!
(Article compiled from various Spanish and French language sources for Mpalothia by Anarchists Worldwide)
For more info and how to help contact the defense and family of Anahi at: laurabusca@gmail.com Para mas información contactarse con defensa y familiares de Anahí
11 still imprisoned now Facing Trial after symbolic Attacks marking death of Genocidal Police Chief
The anarchists who detonated the bomb in the Recoleta cemetery will go to trial: Anahi lost three fingers, she can not eat solids and she has an immobile hand.
”The feverish sequence of bombings and explosions of November 14 of last year, despite all its clumsiness, fulfilled its purpose: it made known to the penal system of the Argentine Republic that violent anarchism in the country is not an anachronism of principles of the Last century.
Also eight other defendants were sent for trial, almost all arrested after the bombings without any serious evidence (and still refused bail and detained due to police revenge mentality), in a police raid on the occupied center (Social Center Pavón) that Salcedo and Rodríguez frequented in Montserrat.
The bombs showed that the Argentine anarchism ..is not about “infiltrators” .. an accusation that used to come from certain sectors of the Kirchnerism, unable to tolerate a group of insurgents that is not useful or faithful to them. They showed that anarchism is active and moving. They showed that it exists.
This Tuesday morning, the federal judge Julián Ercolini brought to trial the cause of the militants who placed these explosives. First, Marco Nicolás Viola, 27 years old, changarin in a street situation according to himself, accustomed to fairs and anarchic activities in the suburbs of Buenos Aires, the young man accused of throwing a ”bomb”/ firework under Judge Claudio Bonadio’s car outside his home in Belgrano , a precarious artifact of gunpowder and a butane canister which did no damage.
Then, Hugo Alberto Rodríguez and Anahí Salcedo, who tried to 
blow up the marble tomb of Ramón Falcón, the Federal Police chief buried in the Recoleta cemetery, 109 years after his murder at the hands of the famous anarchist Simón Radowitzky.
The ”bomb” of the cemetery… a crude pipe firework filled with gunpowder with a timer taken from an oven, seriously wounded both. Salcedo ended up under an induced coma at the Fernández hospital, her face was disfigured, supported by wires.
They left a sheet on Falcon’s grave with a recorded legend, “SIMON LIVES IN THE HEART OF LXS INSURRECTXS (the female and male insurrectionists),” it said. The sheet was signed by an acronym, that of the CAI, a group that revolved around a closed group of Facebook: the Anarchist Collective Inconfidentes.
Along with Viola, Rodríguez and Salcedo eight other defendants were sent to trial , almost all of them tenants of the occupied house (Social Center Pavon) that Salcedo and Rodríguez frequented, the squat on Pavón street in Montserrat.
They were detained there by the Federal Police the day after the explosions, in a raid where they found graffiti and flags and objects that could be transformed into explosives.
The Pavon center was a place already known in the Buenos Aires underground. It had functioned as a cultural space, as an amateur kickboxing academy. …..
No statement of the defendants’ defenses was favorably received during the course of the proceedings. All remained in detention, despite requests from official defenders to revoke prosecutions, with decisions by the Federal Court that confirmed prosecutions and kept the accused in jail.
Among them is a woman and her 27-year-old son: the woman’s friend and another son declared in her favor, they assured that they lived in Pavón’s squat not because of anarchists, but because they had nowhere else to go. The testimony was not enough for Ercolini, who decided to bring her to trial anyway”.
original en castellano
La anarquista que detonó la bomba en el cementerio de la Recoleta irá a juicio: perdió tres dedos, no puede comer sólidos y tiene una mano inmóvil
Anahí Esperanza Salcedo continúa detenida en el penal de mujeres de Ezeiza. Alambres en su cara y los argumentos del juez Ercolini
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La secuencia afiebrada de bombas y explosiones del 14 de noviembre del año pasado, a pesar de toda su torpeza, cumplió su fin: le hizo saber al sistema penal de la República Argentina que el anarquismo violento en el país no es un anacronismo de principios del siglo pasado.
Las bombas demostraron que el anarquismo argentino en pie de guerra no se trata de “infiltrados” o “servicios”, una acusación que solía venir de ciertos sectores del kirchnerismo, incapaz de tolerar a un grupo de insurgentes que no le es útil o fiel. Demostraron que el anarquismo está activo y se mueve. Demostraron que existe.
Este martes por la mañana, el juez federal Julián Ercolini elevó a juicio oral la causa de los militantes que colocaron esos explosivos. Primero, Marco Nicolás Viola, de 27 años, changarín en situación de calle según él mismo, habitué de ferias y actividades ácratas en el conurbano bonaerense, el joven que echó a rodar una bomba bajo el auto del juez Claudio Bonadio en su casa de Belgrano, un precario artefacto de pólvora y una garrafa de butano capaz de generar esquirlas.
Luego, Hugo Alberto Rodríguez y Anahí Salcedo, que intentaron volar la tumba de mármol de Ramón Falcón, el jefe de la Policía Federal enterrado en el cementerio de la Recoleta, a 109 años de su asesinato a manos del también anarquista Simón Radowitzky.
La bomba del cementerio, una cosa cruda, pobre, mal hecha, caños rellenos de pólvora con un temporizador tomado de un horno, hirió gravemente a ambos. Salcedo terminó bajo un coma inducido en el hospital Fernández, su cara quedó desfigurada, sostenida por alambres. Dejaron una chapa en la tumba de Falcón con una leyenda grabada, “SIMÓN VIVE EN EL CORAZÓN DE LXS INSURRECTXS”, decía.
La chapa estaba firmada por una sigla, la de la CAI, un grupo que giraba alrededor de un grupo cerrado de Facebook: el Colectivo Anarquista Inconfidentes.
Junto a Viola, Rodríguez y Salcedo fueron enviados a juicio otros ocho acusados, casi todos ellos inquilinos de la casa tomada por punks que Salcedo y Rodríguez frecuentaban, el okupa de la calle Pavón en Montserrat.
Fueron detenidos allí por la Federal al día siguiente de las explosiones, en una redada en donde se encontraron pintadas y banderas y objetos que podrían ser transformados en explosivos. El okupa de Pavón era un lugar ya conocido para el underground porteño. Había funcionado como espacio cultural, como academia de kickboxing amateur…..
Ningún planteo de las defensas de los acusados fue recibido favorablemente a lo largo de la marcha del expediente. Todos continuaron detenidos, a pesar de pedidos de defensores oficiales para revocar procesamientos, con decisiones de la Cámara Federal que confirmaron procesamientos y mantuvieron a los acusados en la cárcel.
Entre ellos hay una mujer y su hijo de 27 años: el concubino de la mujer y otro hijo suyo declararon a su favor, aseguraron que vivían en el okupa de Pavón no por anarquistas, sino porque no tenían ningún otro lugar adónde ir. El testimonio no fue suficiente para Ercolini, que decidió elevarla a juicio de todas maneras.
Why did they do it?
Nov 14 is the anniversary of the killing of Ramón Falcón,the fanatical police chief who led the extreme repression and mass murder of protesting workers way back in 1909. (See Wikipedia report below) The attack is part of an ongoing anarchist workers struggle against the rapacious bosses and police and state repression.
Anarchist Workers Center Constitution .. Declaration
“Here we are.
Today, November 15, around noon, the Constitution Anarchist Athenaeum was raided. Our presence guaranteed that the integrity of the premises is preserved. Momentarily it will be closed.
We thank the neighbors and partners for their support and affection.
A big hug to everyone.
Health and Anarchy. »
[Final note of El Libertario: Those who are not aware, we inform you that the premises raided is a historic site of Argentine anarchism and there is located the most important Library-Archive in Latin America in what corresponds to anarchist documentation of all kinds. From here we express our full solidarity and support to the people of the Athenaeum now facing this repressive onslaught.]
How it all Began … Red Week 1909 (Semana Roja) Argentina
Fierce Struggle of the anarchist union FORA (beginning early twentieth century).
https://es.wikipedia.org/wiki/Semana_Roja_(Argentina)
The repressive events that began during the commemoration of the International Workers Day in the Plaza Lorea of Buenos Aires in 1909 in which dozens of people were killed or injured by the police are known as the red week. The police, commanded by Ramón L. Falcón fired indiscriminately against the crowd when it was dispersing, and against the general strike that occurred as a result of the massacre and that was the most successful until that time.1
After a few months, with the deadly attack committed by the anarchist militant Simón Radowitzky against the police chief Ramón Lorenzo Falcón (popular justice, according to the libertarian discourse), 2 new repressive events were begun.3
According to testimonies of the time, once finished the speech of an anarchist speaker before an audience of approximately 1500 people (men, women and children), Ramón L. Falcón, who was present next to his police gave the order.
The crowd, which was already dispersing , was attacked by several volleys of rifle fire by a battalion of a hundred uniformed police on horseback. The shooting lasted several minutes, until finally the Avenida de Mayo was clear of the public, which had fled through the side streets. The attack left 80 wounded and 14 dead….3
In the following days, Ramón Falcón ordered the closure of the union premises and the arrest of 16 anarchist leaders of the demonstration.4 Also, from the communication systems that depended on the security forces, the version began to be disseminated… That the events of May 1 were due to a “Russian-Jewish plot” .4
The workers response
Immediately after the massacre, the anarchist union FORA, which had organized the event, called the general strike during a rally in front of the Casa Rosada.5
At that time, the two trade union confederations, the anarchist and the socialist UGT, had decided to undertake the actions jointly.1 The strike lasted a week and was repressed by the military.5 Despite this, it had a national reach, 1 and for several days the city of Buenos Aires was emptied of both homeless people and transportation services.3
As a result of the rapid response and union of the two major trade union centers, the government established a State of Siege, which was maintained until the following year, 6 as well as signing numerous decrees to expel fpreigners from the country.7
May 4th
There was a massive demonstration for the burial of the dead on May 1; Between 50,000 and 80,000 people gathered in front of the morgue. The delegation requested the delivery of the corpses, a request that was ignored and that caused a new confrontation between the workers and the uniformed police.1
May 7th
This day there was the explosion of a bomb on a tram.1
May 9
After intense negotiations with the government of José Figueroa Alcorta – through the provisional vice president – 8 the general strike was lifted. Some requests of the unions were accepted, among them the request for the release of the detainees from May 1, although not all.
No person responsible or executor of the massacre ever had to answer judicially for their actions.1 This fact was used by the anarchists to justify the assassination of the police chief Ramón Falcón.
Aftermath Attack on Falcon
On November 15 of that year, an anarchist militant, Simon Radowitzky, who was a minor when he committed the attack, assassinated the commissar by successfully attacking him with a bomb at the intersection of Callao and Quintana avenues.3
He ended up being imprisoned and tortured in police facilities. During the trial, the prosecutor had requested the death penalty, but was finally sent to the Ushuaia prison.5
-
Monumento a Ramón Falcón
The assassination of Falcón produced a new wave of repression3 that was tainted by episodes of anti-Semitic and xenophobic violence, produced after the condemnatory decision; in addition to the looting and burning of various newspapers, libraries, and socialist and anarchist institutions, as well as institutions such as the Russian Library or the Poale Sion.
The workers’ demonstrations of the time, for their part, went out to shout slogans in favor of Radowitzky, like È morto Ramón Falcón massacratore; evviva Simón Radowitzky vindicatore.3 The anti-Radowitsky demonstrations, in the centennial of independence, chanted the slogan “¡fuera los Russos!” 5
Simon Radowitsky was under aged to be executed but served at least 25 years prison. He emerged
Monumento Ramon Falcon
unrepentant and fought in an anarchist brigade during the Spanish Revolution.
Semana Roja (Argentina)
La represión del 1 de mayo wikipedia
Según testimonios de la época, una vez acabado el discurso de un orador anarquista ante un público de aproximadamente 1500 personas (hombres, mujeres y niños), estando Ramón L. Falcón presente junto a su estado mayor, la multitud, que se estaba dispersando ya, fue atacada por varias cargas de fusilería por parte de un batallón de un centenar de uniformados a caballo. El tiroteo duró varios minutos, hasta que finalmente la Avenida de Mayo quedó despejada de público, el cual había huido por las calles laterales. El ataque dejó 80 heridos y 14 muertos.3
En los días siguientes, Ramón Falcón ordenó el cierre de los locales sindicales y el arresto de 16 cabecillas anarquistas de la manifestación.4 También, desde los sistemas de comunicación dependientes de las fuerzas de seguridad, se empezó a difundir la versión de que los hechos del 1 de mayo se debían a un “complot ruso–judaico“.4
La respuesta obrera
Inmediatamente después de la matanza, el sindicato anarquista FORA, que 
era el que había organizado el acto, llamó a la huelga general3 durante una concentración frente a la Casa Rosada.5 Ya en ese momento, las dos centrales sindicales, la anarquista y la socialista UGT, habían decidido acometer las acciones conjuntamente.1 La huelga duró una semana y fue reprimida con militares.5 Pese a ello, tuvo alcance nacional,1 y durante varios días la ciudad de Buenos Aires se vació tanto de deambulantes como de servicios de transporte.3
Como resultado de la rápida respuesta y unión de las dos grandes centrales sindicales, el gobierno instauró el estado de sitio, que se mantuvo hasta el año siguiente,6 además de firmar numerosos decretos de expulsión del país de extranjeros.7
4 de mayo
Hubo una multitudinaria manifestación por el sepelio de los muertos del 1 de mayo; entre 50 000 y 80 000 personas se congregaron frente a la morgue. La comitiva solicitó la entrega de los cadáveres, petición que fue ignorada y que ocasionó un nuevo enfrentamiento entre los trabajadores y los uniformados.1
7 de mayo
Este día se produjo el estallido de una bomba en un tranvía.1
9 de mayo
Después de intensas negociaciones con el gobierno de José Figueroa Alcorta —a través del vicepresidente provisional—8 la huelga general fue levantada. Algunas peticiones de los sindicatos fueron aceptadas, entre ellas la petición de liberación de los detenidos el 1 de mayo, aunque no todas. Ningún responsable o ejecutor de la matanza tuvo que responder judicialmente por sus actos.1
Secuelas
Ataque contra Falcón
El 15 de noviembre de ese año, un militante anarquista, Simon Radowitzky, quien era menor de edad cuando cometió el atentado, asesinó al comisario al atacarlo exitosamente con una bomba en el cruce de las avenidas Callao y Quintana.3 Acabó siendo apresado y torturado en dependencias de la policía. Durante el juicio, el fiscal había pedido la pena de muerte, pero finalmente fue enviado al penal de Ushuaia.5
El asesinato de Falcón produjo una nueva oleada represiva3 que se vio teñida por episodios de violencia antisemita y xenófoba, producidos después del fallo condenatorio; además del saqueo y quema de diversos periódicos, bibliotecas e instituciones socialistas y anarquistas, también instituciones como la Biblioteca Rusa o la Poale Sión.5
Las manifestaciones obreras de la época, por su parte, salieron a gritar consignas a favor de Radowitzky, como È morto Ramón Falcón massacratore; evviva Simón Radowitzky vindicatore.3 Las manifestaciones contrarias a Radowitsky, en el centenario de la independencia, se coreaba la consigna “¡fuera los rusos!”.5
The Free 
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