The war in Ukraine continues with all the negative consequences for much of the world. However, acts of desertion and draft evasion also continue, which, if widespread, could lead to the end of the war.
Anarchists from the Central European region are therefore publishing this call to organise active support for deserters. Wherever we live, let us make every other day a day of international working-class solidarity and resistance against the war.
Let us organise in workplaces, schools and streets to strengthen the influence of desertions.
Let us fight for dignified conditions for all who refuse to serve as a cannon fodder in the inter-imperialist war..
At least 200,000 people are fleeing Russia to escape Putin’s military mobilisation, and tens of thousands more are avoiding mobilisation in Ukraine.
Yet some voices claim that “the number of deserters is so negligible that it is strange to even begin to talk about it.” These cynical attempts to “make invisible” people who choose not to serve in the army, to defect or to emigrate for political reasons, must be opposed. Their voices must be heard and practical help must be given.
Thousands of Ukrainian troops desert, surrender or refuse to go to the … Anti-war speeches do not yet have the subversive power needed to stop the war, which is why it is necessary to create conditions that make it easier for other people considering a desertion to move from reflection to action.
It is not a question of standing on the front line between the tanks of both armies and thinking that this will make the soldiers lay down their arms.
It is about achieving the conditions at the international level that ensure that deserters can safely defect and live in another country without a risk of prosecution and social stigmatisation.
At present, opponents of the war in Russia and Ukraine have almost nowhere to go. They are trapped between national borders by their ‘own’ governments, while neighbouring countries refuse
Due to a FOIA request, we now finally know that safety signals for 770 serious adverse events triggered, but the CDC ignored them. Will there be an investigation? I doubt it. The CDC can do no wrong.
Executive summary
Safety signals were generated in the VAERS system for death and 769 other severe adverse events. The CDC ignored all of them based on exactly the same bullshit reason that they used 13 years ago with HPV that is just “over reporting.” But there is no evidence whatsoever there is “over reporting.”
We’ve done direct physician office surveys and nobody is overreporting. In fact, every piece of evidence shows that there are more reports because the vaccine is so dangerous. Look around you at all the “sudden deaths” and the vaccine injured stories and ask yourself, “Is that overreporting”?
In addition, over 500 reports had a larger signal than myocarditis which is an acknowledged signal, so they can’t hide behind an “over reporting” excuse.
They claimed they looked at all the deaths but didn’t find an association with the vaccine. But they never did the proper tests to actually see if there was vaccine involvement in the deaths. They simply looked the other way.
Contrast this with the Schwab paper where they found at least 14% of the deaths post-vaccine were likely caused by the vaccine. How can the CDC find 0 in 15,000 deaths? Answer: when those people’s job’s depend upon finding the politically correct answer.
CDC finds hundreds of safety signals for Pfizer and Moderna COVID-19 vaccines newstarget.com
When confronted with the fact that that the death, they gaslit the doctor who asked them about it rather than acknowledging the death safety signal triggered. This was deliberate. This was a top CDC official that responded.
The latest Rasmussen Reports national telephone and online survey finds that (49%) of American Adults believe it is likely that side effects of COVID-19 vaccines have caused a significant number of unexplained deaths, including 28% who think it’s Very Likely. 28% of Americans know someone who is vaccine injured.
That is unprecedented! Again, they knew there were huge safety issues because they had the V-safe data, so they knew the VAERS events weren’t over reported.
Here’s what you can do:
Use this handy guide and call now and call for an investigation why the CDC ignored 770 different safety signals for the COVID vaccines.
Send an email to your local newspaper (even if it is The New York Times) asking them to call for an investigation. You’ll quickly see how corrupt they are when they ignore this.
Email or call your doctor (and any other doctor you know) and ask them to make a public call for an investigation, e.g., by posting on their website, Twitter posting, etc. I suggest you switch doctors if they refuse to do this. Doctors everywhere in the world need to speak out about this corruption or remain silent and contribute to the corruption.
In addition, the fact checkers should all “fact check” the CDC on their bogus claim of over reporting which has NO evidence to support it.
CDC Finds Hundreds of Safety Signals for Pfizer, Moderna COVID Vaccines * Childrchildrenshealthdefense.org
And finally, the professional “debunkers” including Professor Jeffrey Morris, Jonathan Jarry, David Gorski, ZDoggMD, “Debunk the Funk,” and others should immediately go after the CDC for dismissing all these safety signals without citing any evidentiary support of the excuse of “over reporting.” Will they? No chance.
Will Paul Offit say anything or just stand idly by and say nothing? Will Eric Topol speak up? Will Sanjay Gupta say nothing about this and remain silent? I think you can bank on all of them to ignore this.
Will hospital CEOs say anything, or simply remain silent about the corruption.
This must not be allowed to stand. The death reports in VAERS represent 500,000 deaths. All the authorities are silent about this and nobody in the world has been able to explain it.
You don’t have to believe me. Pick 10 VAERS death reports at random. See if any of them could not be linked with the vaccine. When we did this test, we found they all were consistent with a vaccine-caused death. Will any fact checker do this on a livestream? No way.h
The CDC is DELIBERATELY ignoring all the safety signals generated in the official safety monitoring system (VAERS)
In particular, here are just the top three bullet points:
CDC’s VAERS safety signal analysis … shows clear safety signals for death and a range of highly concerning thrombo-embolic, cardiac, neurological, hemorrhagic, hematological, immune-system and menstrual adverse events (AEs) among U.S. adults.
There were 770 different types of adverse events that showed safety signals in ages 18+, of which over 500 (or 2/3) had a larger safety signal than myocarditis/pericarditis.
The CDC analysis shows that the number of serious adverse events reported in less than two years for mRNA COVID-19 vaccines is 5.5 times larger than all serious reports for vaccines given to adults in the US since 2009 (~73,000 vs. ~13,000).
The CDC decided not to take action on any of these reports because they simply dismissed them out of hand without investigating them that they must be due to overreporting.
This is irresponsible because they had absolutely no evidence for making such a preposterous claim. There is no evidence of this because all the evidence shows that people
After a series of massive sweeps throughout 2022, remaining residents face another round of displacement on January 9th, only days after a monster storm has rocked the bay area.
Wood Street residents are building a barricade to stop CalTrans from evicting folks on the north end of the encampment. pic.twitter.com/65bKuRDnkv
For over a decade, hundreds of residents have lived in the sprawling encampment off of Wood Street in West Oakland, creating a self-organized community known for its communal infrastructure made out of cob. As one report wrote:
Thousands of victims of Francoism lie in mass graves without recognition and without a defined order. Although hundreds of names have been registered in the municipal registry, the true number and identity of people thrown in these graves is unknown.
“The original Spanish version of this post calls the victims ‘represaliados’, a term adopted by the fascists to imply the tens of thousands somehow deserved it.. People who were massacred after the far right and church destroyed their elected Republic in a bloodbath with Hitler’s help, followed by a 40 year totalitarian dictatorship. Their summary torture and execution were labeled as “reprisals”, as if they deserved it for maybe not being rich fascist-catholics.
90 years later the term ‘represaliados’ is still used. There is no real justice or reconciliation, and the families of the deep state elite and the Church still have some control of the ‘Justice’, Police, Military and much stolen property.
This is why it took them 90 years to start exhumating the mass graves in the San Fernando Cemetery, and hundreds of other sites”.
These victims include those shot in the cemetery and against nearby walls, those who died in prisons and concentration camps, and those who died during clashes resisting the rebel troops. They also include those who died of hunger and poverty and were buried along with those who suffered “reprisals”.
Although the puzzle of these mass graves is not yet complete, some pieces are beginning to fit together. According to calculations by the Seville City Council, the search for victims in these mass graves of the Franco regime has expanded to more than 4,000 possible victims. see also..Spain: a papier-mâché democracy facing a storm Eng /Esp
In the first mass grave excavated, Pico Reja, the remains of more than 1,700 “reprisals” have been found, double the number expected. This makes Pico Reja “the largest open mass grave in Western Europe since Srebrenica,” according to the City Council.
We have spent two or three years watching the construction of what has been called the Socialist Movement (MS), a plural process with different aspects and realities depending on the territory. For those who do not know it, it is the process of renewal of state communism, beginning in its most dynamic part: Euskal Herria.
Looking back, after the 2008 crisis, the Basque National Liberation Movement (MLNV) entered into crisis. There was a renewal at the base and in its leadership a sector of the middle class and working aristocracy took control, which has been the one that has reached our days.
The youth of the Izquierda Abertzale (IA) used to be in the gaztetxes (occupued social centres) or in the student and youth movement. It was precisely in this sector that the rupture that gave rise to the Socialist Movement (MS) occurred. But we have to take into account other factors that were occurring in those years:
The end of ETA, which contributed to relaxing the police and political persecution against the Basque National Liberation Movement (MLNV). Despite some police and media stunts, the repression visibly decreased, loosening the traditional “closing of ranks” that characterized the Abertzale Left. The radicalization of ELA and its consolidation as the largest union of the transforming left, not only in Euskal Herria but in the entire State. This radicalization even caused it to overtake LAB on the left, the latter being subject to the dynamics of AI. The rise of the struggles in other territories. To start 15M, but to characterize the period, we will refer to the Catalan Sovereign Process.
Regarding this point, that of Catalonia, in sectors of the AI they saw with envy how a mass movement in favor of independence had been created. They noticed that this movement was cross-class and brought together very different interests that only coincided in the need for independence.
However, the Independentist Process was defeated in 2017, and at that time all the contradictions appeared at once. It was possible to see the destructive work of the Catalan politicians who boycotted the process from within, while facing the outside they proclaimed themselves very independentistas.
Clashes between pro-independence parties were a constant and the society that supported them became disenchanted with them.
Returning to Euskal Herria, at the II Ernai Congress in 2017, a paper was presented with the title Kantauri, which sought to restore the class independence of Basque youth, subject to the interests of the middle class.
As can be seen, the malaise and the lack of clear referents, was forged in the gaztetxes and gazte asanbladak of the whole of Euskal Herria.
The Basque National Liberation Movement (MLNV) had certainly always been a movement with good training schools for cadres. It was also a movement that was surrounded by magazines, collectives or even public organizations of a Marxist-Leninist nature. In other words, communism was normalized at an aesthetic and political level within the MLNV. When the new generations who felt out of place in AI became aware, they subscribed to that ideological framework.
Basque anarchism had no opportunity to occupy that space. First, because it had been in trouble with the AI communists themselves in the previous decade.
Then because this scene was very focused on anti-development or environmental campaigns and little managed to transcend outside of that area.
Finally, due to the subcultural nature of Basque anarchism in many places, it made it a world apart from its neighbors.
At a general level, anarchism in the Spanish state had a crisis in 2015-16 that saw many groups disappear. Its crisis coincided with the one experienced by the social movements in the state.
We could hardly have connected (or even taken into account) with the people coming from the Marxist camp who were looking for new referents right in those years.
This could only be achieved with direct, constant, honest and long-term contact, demonstrating a solidity and open-mindedness from our field that we have almost never had as a result of our political culture, focused on our own movement and the creation of free forms of life without taking into account the capitalist context.
By not making the gestation of a revolutionary and socialist project from anarchism a priority, it was difficult for people trained or socialized in other socialisms to approach us.
The political culture transmitted to the Abertzale youth gave it a certain political solidity that forged into a new organization, the Socialist Movement (MS) around 2018. From there it began to develop a clearly communist strategy and program. Ikasle Abertzaleak, the student wing of the AI, soon fell under its influence and a new socialist feminist organization, Itaia, developed.
. The meetings became more and more massive, leading to the creation of the Gazte Koordinadora Sozialista, GKS, in 2019, which came to gather the gazte asanbladak under communist influence. Their meetings drew attention, such as the Gazte Topagune Sozialista de Altsasu in 2021, in which there were some 2,500 young people from all over the Basque Country.
This process began to attract attention in other territories of the state. In the ‘Catalan Countries’ (Catalonia plus parts of Aragon, Valencia, Baleares and France), after the 2017 fiasco, the independence movement suffered a political crisis. In its anti-capitalist sector, the Esquerra Independentista, a dissension arose that called for a return to the Marxist theses, momentarily leaving aside the demand for national liberation.
Therefore, there has been an abandonment of the traditional thesis of the Esquerra Independentista, the Popular Unity.
The rupture has not occurred in a very peaceful way, perhaps like most ruptures, but it has generated a new movement carried through the Horitzó Socialista magazine. Various assemblies from Arran, the youth organization, the SEPC, the student organization, and some people from Endavant, began to swell this trend, which still does not have a very solid structure.
Another of the processes is the Encounter for the Socialist Process (EPS) of Castilla, which has carried out presentations in Madrid, Burgos and Valladolid. The EPS takes the work done in Euskal Herria by the GKS as a reference.
Although with its own characteristics. Some militants who come from anarchism see this process as a reconstruction of the political space of the Autonomy of the 90s, which could unite Marxists and anarchists in the same movement.
In Aragon, Purna took this line a long time ago, as a renewal process in the face of the crisis suffered by left-wing Aragoneseism when Podemos emerged in 2014.
In Galicia, a process similar to the Spanish one is taking its first steps, taking the GKS as a reference. In this case, militants who have been in other Marxist organizations of Galician national liberation pivot towards this process.
As characteristic points, all these processes that will soon begin to form part of the same political space, as soon as they are coordinated. They demand the political independence of the working class, that is, that the leadership arise from the labor movement itself and not from the universities or wealthy environments, as we have seen in many left-wing parties in recent decades.
On this anarchism could not agree more. Another of the MS’s workhorses is its criticism of social democracy and its disastrous influence on today’s society and on revolutionary movements. What are they going to tell us? We have been writing about it in the libertarian press since 1874.
The Basque Socialist Movement (MS) is creating Socialist Councils, as organizations for the political and strategic leadership of the proletariat. In other words, they come to be like the embryo of the communist party that they intend to build. These agencies also claim to control the economic process.
They say that the future communist party should not be just another party in the parliamentary struggle but rather an “embryo state” that will develop its own forces to expropriate capital. It is not specified if they will do it through cooperatives or if they are talking about building their own economy outside of capitalism until they have enough strength to expropriate the companies.
These movements are an effort to delimit the ideology and the political line (communism through the socialist revolution) to avoid that different tactics take place within them. They put a lot of emphasis, especially the Basque MS, on organizational centralization.
Given this, we have to say that former militants of the libertarian movement have joined these initiatives. Orphans of organization, they go where they see possibilities. In certain cases they continue to believe that these processes are under construction and that they will be able to contribute their grain of sand so that they do not become Leninist parties to use.
However, it must be said that the symbolic weight that Leninism has among the cadres of the MS will make it extremely difficult for any of these organizations to drift towards autonomy or councilism.
After all, much of their militancy comes from traditional communist culture, even if it was filtered through national liberation movements. Its project is to renew the international scene of communist parties, and build the socialist state. As clear as day.
Another aspect that stands out is its large size it in Euskal Herria. That makes it a unique movement in Western Europe.
As a qualification we could say that, although it is true that in Euskal Herria the Socialist Movement (MS) reaches very important quantitative levels, it must also be recognized that it is a split of what was already a mass movement. The people who join the MS today no doubt would have joined the Basque National Liberation Movement (MLNV) ten years earlier.
We will have to see if they reach new sectors of Basque society or if there is stagnation in the coming years.
Social and organized anarchism in the state has historically been reduced to unions and small short-term sociopolitical entities. It is in the last decade when more solid attempts have emerged to create anarchist organizations such as Apoyo Mutuo, Embat, the FEL or some local and regional anarchist federations and various collectives throughout the state.
They have never enjoyed great numerical support since the usual profile of anarchist militancy has been very little prone to organization in recent decades. And when it is organized it is for very specific topics given the great difference in criteria that we have as a starting point.
It is curious, to say the least, that people who have not wanted to join our organizations because they did not consider them useful or good enough, now join communist organizations – just as a decade ago other people with anarchist ideas like them joined the CUP or Podemos.
Is it a generational thing? Maybe when you reach an age you consider that ours doesn’t work and you go to the neighbor’s instead of trying to improve ours? Is it so difficult to create a powerful anarchist movement?
In the Spanish state, the role of political organization within the anarchist camp has been occupied by anarcho-syndicalism. This has brought him certain problems by confusing unions with anarchist collectives, which has given rise to not a few internal conflicts.
Anarcho-syndicalism has been a rarity in the ecosystem of the anti-capitalist left. It is a political project that understood itself as self-sufficient. Therefore, the policy of alliances has tended to be non-existent in the periods of weakness of anarchism (80s and 90s).
Alliances are now being made with other unions for demands and defense, but not to build a hypothetical post-capitalist society or a social revolution, partly because no one else on the left thinks like anarcho-syndicalism (that is, that the unions are the backbone of post-revolutionary society and manage social, economic and political life).
If sociopolitical anarchism has any function today, it is precisely to connect these union structures that already exist with other movements not oriented towards anarchist ideas, such as feminism, environmentalism, the housing movement or movements against the crisis. that may arise.
It is essential to create our own political space so as not to depend on outside interests such as those of the Socialist Movement (MS) which, as soon as it develops, will promote contempt for our main ideas and our tactics.
And it is curious that what the new Revolutionary Socialism asks for, the political independence of the working class, is something that we take for granted in our union organizations: if nobody works for you, let nobody decide for you.
The advice is that we learn how they have built their political space. The truth is that it is to take off your hat in the Basque case. In other places everything is yet to be built, and surely we can learn many things.
However, our anarchist project requires combining militants who are in anarcho-syndicalism with others who are in the social and solidarity economy, with others who are in social movements or in other experiences of community and associative life.
We are facing a period of growing uncertainties because global capitalism is in crisis. Periods of crisis in the system have always benefited the appearance of contesting currents, which propose radical changes in social relations.
We have to build our movement thinking about gaining hegemony in our territory, and that begins with intervention in society. This implies a significant paradigm shift compared to recent years. Even if we don’t succeed, the fact of trying and basing our action on precisely that is already a huge qualitative leap.
Social and organized anarchism has a project, program and organization and is connected on an international scale. Although it has not been able to transmit it in a massive or attractive enough way, and that is its weak point.
For this reason, there are those who join social and solidarity economy, neighborhood, ecosocialist, communalist or democratic confederalist projects, based on anarchist principles but in movements that do not claim to be anarchists.
That is why we must strengthen our structures, because we will do important things when we have a significant size. Without a doubt, we will travel this path with these new movements, true companions of social anarchism and anarcho-syndicalism to build the egalitarian and libertarian society.
But in order not to get lost, we need those strategic organizations that analyze reality, read the situation, that start from the principles and anrchist historical memory, that are clear about the objective of anarchist communism, and that propose tactics to all popular movements and concrete strategies to advance towards our model of socialism, not always compatible with the one proposed by the Socialist Movement.
However, we can consider MS a breath of fresh air in the Marxist panorama, lately very leaning towards reactionary ideas, although we’ll see.
For our part, let us be clear that strength is in the organization. The organic process initiated by other sectors should have repercussions -for the better- also in anarchism.
(translators note: In Spanish the terms anarquista and libertaria are interchangeable. We translate libertaria as anarchist, not libertarian which may confuse with the US rightwing meaning.)
(Photo courtesy of Cospito family via Courthouse News Service).The inmate is among nearly 750 people in Italy — most of them mafia gangsters — who have been cut off for years from communicating with the outside world.
Italian authorities put Alfredo Cospito into its tough prison system of isolation in 2022 after designating him an anarchist terrorist.
(CN) — Inside a maximum-security prison on the island of Sardinia, a 55-year-old militant Italian anarchist is on hunger strike: He says he’d rather die than live the rest of his life locked away under Italy’s harsh system of isolating inmates considered so dangerous to society they need to be cut off from communicating with the outside world.
Alfredo Cospito’s hunger strike — in its 77th day on Wednesday — is renewing a thorny debate over the legality of Italian laws that permit the state to almost entirely seal off imprisoned leaders of criminal organizations and terrorist groups from contact with the world beyond the prison walls.
Cospito’s case is gathering some support, especially on the political left, because his history of criminal activity as a militant anarchist is less violent than that of others languishing inside Italy’s regime of extreme isolation.
For weeks, there have been sporadic acts of protest and vandalism in support of Cospito. Anarchists have marched in Italian cities, spray-painted city walls, smashed bank machines and windows in Rome, and strung up protest banners equating Cospito’s imprisonment to torture. Banners have shown up dangling from towering construction cranes, outside a prison and down the side of a building at the prestigious Sapienza University of Rome.
On Dec. 2, a firebomb destroyed the car of an Italian embassy official in Athens, Greece, in an attack linked to Greek anarchists angry over Cospito’s imprisonment.
And his case has become a topic in Italian media, sparking clashing opinions over whether this regime of isolation — one of the most extreme in the European Union — is an inhumane form of punishment.
In 2012, Cospito shot Roberto Adinolfi, the chief administrator of Ansaldo Nucleare, an Italian nuclear energy company, in the leg with a pistol. Cospito declared in court that he shot Adinolfi to protest the development of nuclear energy in the wake of the Fukushima nuclear disaster in Japan.
A previous attack was subsequently linked to Cospito: the 2006 detonation of explosives outside a police academy in Fossano, a town in Piedmont in northern Italy. No one was injured in that late-night explosion.
Last April, Italy’s high court ruled that the jailed Cospito had acted as a chief instigator of anarchist terrorist activity communicating with fellow anarchists through books, articles, online writings and comments while serving prison sentences inside the high-security prison in Bancali, Sardinia.
Authorities accused him of acting as a leader of a militant anarchist group with links outside Italy known as the Informal Anarchist Federation-International Revolutionary Front. This collective of “insurrectionary anarchists” was viewed as a growing threat in a 2014 report from the Combating Terrorism Center at West Point, the American military academy.
By branding him a leader of the anarchist movement, Italian authorities ordered Cospito into total isolation, cutting off his contact with the outside world. He joined Italy’s notorious and savage mafia bosses in the most secluded corner of the country’s prison system.
Flavio Rossi Albertini, the anarchist’s lawyer, said that by going on hunger strike Cospito is “basically saying a more courageous Italian state would have gotten rid of him sooner by shooting him in the back, killing him outright, instead of subjecting him to this condition.”
These harsh detention laws — known by the shorthand “41 bis,” a reference to the number of the corresponding article in Italy’s penal code — go back to 1975, an era of violent political turbulence, but are most often associated with Italy’s fight against the Sicilian mafia in the 1990s.
Under this prison regime, some 743 figures of the Italian underworld are locked away in near-total isolation and forbidden most communication with the outside world. Many of these gangsters have spent up to 30 years in isolation.
At regular intervals, the status of inmates in isolation is reevaluated, but it is rare for detainees in the 41 bis regime to be placed back into the general prison population, Albertini said.
Italian authorities, jurists and mafia experts argue that only by isolating mafia bosses can chains of command be broken and the activities of criminal groups contained. The harsh conditions have also led criminals to break their code of silence and become informants.
Critics, though, contend the harsh conditions of the 41 bis system — commonly called simply “hard prison” — amount to torture, trample on prisoners’ human rights and stand in violation of the Italian Constitution, which requires the state to rehabilitate prisoners.
Italy’s Justice Ministry did not immediately respond to queries from Courthouse News about this special prison regime.
In 2002, Italy further codified the 41 bis system into the law and expanded its use against members of terrorist groups.
Cospito is the first and only anarchist to be placed into isolation, Albertini said. Prior to him, three members of the New Red Brigade, a paramilitary communist group, were cast into 41 bis system. They were accused in the assassination of two professors involved in liberalizing labor laws in Italy. The professors were shot dead in 1999 and 2002.
The Italian penal system has room to put 750 inmates in extreme isolation and 749 of these cells are occupied, Albertini said.
It’s called “hard prison” for good reason.
These inmates are allowed to leave their cells and go outside for just two hours a day, though when they are let out they are surrounded by walls more than 20 feet high.
Inside their small cells, they are given a bed, table and one chair, which is fixed to the floor. Inmates are largely forbidden from possessing personal items, even books, and they are under surveillance 24 hours a day. Contact with prison wardens is extremely limited, as is communication with family members and lawyers.
They are allowed to socialize for one hour a day only with the three other inmates inside the same 41 bis block. In Cospito’s case, the other inmates in his area have been in isolation for nearly three decades, Albertini said. One of those inmates doesn’t leave his cell any more; another one is forbidden from leaving his cell during the day; and developing a relationship with the third inmate is difficult because he suffers from psychological problems, Albertini said.
“These individuals are walled in alive and buried with this system of detention; they have no chance of having relations with the outside ever again,” Albertini said in a telephone interview.
With his hunger strike, according to his lawyer, Cospito is saying: “This is no longer living; faced with the prospect of living so many more years in prison under this condition, it’s better to end my life now.”
Albertini said Cospito wants to expose the harsh conditions imposed on 41 bis inmates and for this reason he’s drinking water and taking a Vitamin B supplement to prolong his hunger strike as long as possible.
Since he started his protest on Oct. 20, Cospito has lost 77 pounds in weight, he said. “The state of his health is beginning to become critical.”
Albertini argued for leniency toward Cospito because his relationship with fellow anarchists cannot be compared to how hierarchical organizations such as the mafia and the Red Brigades function. He said the Informal Anarchist Federation is without a command structure and that it is far-fetched to compare Cospito to a mafia boss or Red Brigade militant.
“It’s well known that anarchists are not inclined to like organizations, most of all top-down organizations,” Albertini said.
As the lawyer sees it, Cospito’s imprisonment under the 41 bis regime is really about silencing him as a political voice.
“Applying the 41 bis regime to Cospito is about shutting him up, but this was not supposed to be the purpose of 41 bis,” Albertini said. “Without doubt, he is a political prisoner.”
Albertini said Cospito initially was sentenced to 20 years in prison for detonating the explosives at the police academy. But after his case reached Italy’s highest court, the Supreme Court of Cassation, it was reclassified in July 2021 as a “massacre against the security of the state,” a crime that carries a life sentence.
“In other words, the most serious crime in our judicial order,” Albertini said.
He called that sentence a miscarriage of justice.
“Think about it: In Fossano, 500 grams of gunpowder were used — the kind of amount usually used for New Year’s fireworks” shows, Albertini said about Cospito’s conviction for attacking the carabinieri training academy.
By comparison, the mafia used 350 kilograms of TNT to kill Giovanni Falcone, a Sicilian magistrate investigating the mafia, when his convoy of cars was blown up in 1992 outside Palermo. The magistrate’s wife and three police officers escorting him were also killed in the blast.
That attack and another bombing that killed Falcone’s colleague, fellow Sicilian magistrate Paolo Borsellino, and five police officers led the Italian parliament to pass laws to lock up mafiosi in the 41 bis regime.
Cospito has received some attention in the media and support from legal scholars, but Albertini argued that support for his client remains a taboo because of his anarchism.
The lawyer criticized Amnesty International for not speaking out against his detention in isolation. Amnesty International did not immediately respond to a query from Courthouse News.
Albertini also faulted the European Court of Human Rights for past rulings that found fault with the system but did not call for its banishment.
The Strasbourg court has examined the 41 bis system in several cases and ruled that it does not amount to torture even when it has been imposed for lengthy periods of time.
Italy’s Constitutional Court also has upheld the 41 bis regime though it has tinkered with how it operates, for instance giving inmates more time to talk with their lawyers and allowing prisoners in 41 bis blocks exchange among themselves items such as soap, sugar and coffee.
Submitted by aaaaaaaaaaaaaaa… (not verified) on Fri, 01/06/2023 – 11:40
I wouldn’t call this MSM though, it’s pretty niche publication, but still I think you underestimate the MSM that the article referes to. There have also been positive article on this hunger strike in la Repubblica, even one by PD Senator Luigi Manconi. Good article though, regardless.
see also..
The Free 